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A Revisionist Analysis of Majdanek Concentration Camp

by Jürgen Graf

Delivered in Australia at the Adelaide Institute's International Revisionist Symposium, August 8, 1998.

Copyright ©1998 Adelaide Institute

According to the orthodox 'Holocaust' historians, the Germans set up six 'extermination camps' in Poland where Jews were systematically murdered in gas chambers. One of these purported extermination centres was Majdanek, near the city of Lublin.

The 'Holocaust' historians claim that Majdanek served both as a labour camp and a murder factory. Between September 1942 and October 1943, the Germans are supposed to have gassed large numbers of Jewish prisoners, partly by means of Zyklon-B, partly by means of carbon monoxide. Moreover, the Germans are accused of having shot about 18,000 Jews at Majdanek on November 3, 1943. This was allegedly the beastliest mass murder ever committed in any German concentration camp on a single day.

Tens of thousands of books have been published about the 'Holocaust.' One would therefore expect to find an abundance of scientific studies about these six alleged mass murder sites. In reality, the exterminationist historians have almost exclusively focused their attention upon Auschwitz. Much to his dismay, the would-be-student of Majdanek quickly discovers that there is not a single serious book about this camp in any western language!

Unfortunately, the revisionists have not done much better. The only revisionist book dedicated to Majdanek is Josef Gideon Burg's Majdanek in alle Ewigkeit? (1). Burg was an anti-Zionist German Jew. He accused the Zionists of exploiting the tragic events at Majdanek to blackmail the German nation morally and financially and claimed that there were no execution gas chambers in that camp. Burg, who died in 1990, was an exceedingly courageous and honest man, but unfortunately his book is of scarce scientific value as it is almost exclusively based on eyewitness testimony and newspaper articles.

In 1988, Fred Leuchter wrote his famous report on the alleged gas chambers at Auschwitz I, Birkenau and Majdanek (2). The last part, which deals with Majdanek, is teeming with errors. This is inevitable as Leuchter only spent a couple of hours at the Lublin camp. Some of his more glaring errors were accurately pointed out by Jean-Claude Pressac (3).

Whereas both exterminationist and revisionist historians in the West have totally neglected Majdanek, there exists an abundant literature on this camp in Poland. Since very few Western researchers bother to acquire a working knowledge of the Polish ongue, this literature is inaccessible to them. The few who can read Polish will quickly find out that the studies of the Polish historians are partly of very good quality - except for two crucial aspects, the number of the victims and the reality of the alleged mass extermination. I will later adduce some examples to demonstrate what fraudulent means are being used by the Polish historians to hold together a crumbling patchwork of lies.

My Italian friend Carlo Mattogno - who is doubtless the world's foremost expert on the 'Holocaust' - and I have decided to do the work all other historians have failed to accomplish. Our book, KL Majdanek. Eine historische und technische Studie has been published in German. (4)

In June 1997, Mattogno and I spent time in Lublin. Our book is essentially based upon the following sources:

- Documents found in Russian archives in 1995 (5);

- Documents found in the archives of Majdanek museum, as well as in the archives of the city of Lublin;

- The Polish literature;

- Practical investigation on the ground of the former concentration camp.

Unfortunately, the documentation about the Lublin camp is by no means as complete as the historian would desire; many documents are missing or were destroyed before the liberation of the camp. Therefore, it would be quite difficult to write a 'history of Majdanek.'

To mention but one example, we do not know how many prisoners were deported to Majdanek during the almost three years of its existence, and we have to content ourselves with estimates. Still, the extant documents permit us to determine the death figure of the camp with reasonable accuracy and to refute the myth of the homicidal gas chambers as well as the legend of the mass shooting allegedly perpetrated in November 1943.

The function of the German concentration camps

From 1933 to 1939, the German concentration camps did not serve any economic purposes. They were used to isolate both inveterate criminals and political opponents deemed to constitute a menace to the National Socialist government. The peace-time figure of prisoners was usually quite low.

For example, there were no more than 7500 concentration camp inmates in summer 1937 (6), the majority of them being ordinary criminals and so-called "anti-social elements" (prostitutes, tramps, beggars etc.).

After the outbreak of the war, numerous new concentration camps were set up, and the number of their inmates dramatically rose. In addition to anti-Nazi resistance fighters from the occupied countries, many prisoners of war were sent to the camps. The mass deportation of Jews started in the end of 1941.

As the war dragged on, the lack of manpower became an ever-increasing problem for the German war industry so that the concentration camps gradually assumed an important economic function. On April 30 1942, SS-Obergruppenführer Oswald Pohl, director of the SS-Wirtschaftsverwaltungshauptamt, wrote to Reichsführer SS Heinrich Himmler :

[To be quoted according to the official English version of the Nuremberg documents.]

"Der Krieg hat eine sichtbare Strukturänderung der

Konzentrationslagergebracht und ihre Aufgaben hinsichtlich

des Häftlingseinsatzes grundlegendgeändert. Die Vermehrung

von Häftlingen nur aus Sicherheits-, erzieherischen oder

vorbeugenden Gründen allein steht nicht mehr im

Vordergrund. Das Schwergewicht hat sich nach der

wirtschaftlichen Seite hin verlagert." (7)

Owing to spotted typhus and other epidemics, but also to poor food and clothing, the death rates in the concentration camps were appallingly high. On December 28, 1942, Richard Glücks, inspector of the concentration camps, stated in a circular letter sent to all camp commanders :

[Official English version NB documents]

"Die 1. Lagerärzte haben sich mit allen ihnen zur Verfügung

stehenden Mitteln dafür einzusetzen, dass die

Sterblichkeitsziffern in den einzelnen Lagern wesentlich

herabgehen ... Die Lagerärzte haben mehr als bisher die

Ernährung der Häftlinge zu überwachen und in

Übereinstimmung mit den Verwaltungen der

Lagerkommandanten Verbesserungsvorschläge einzureichen

... Der Reichsführer SS hat befohlen, dass die Sterblichkeit

unbedingt geringer werden muss." (8)

Glück's instructions had visible consequences; within 8 months the mortality in the camps sank by almost 80% (9). Apart from their economic importance, the concentration camps also fulfilled security functions. In many of the occupied countries, the Germans were facing powerful armed resistance movements which constituted a serious threat to their troops and installations.

According to American historian Richard C. Lucas, Polish resistance fighters inflicted the following damages to the Germans between January 1941 and June 1944: They damaged 6'930 train engines, derailed 732 trains, destroyed 979 train wagons, blew up 38 bridges, destroyed 68 aircraft, burnt down 15 factories, annihilated 4'623 military vehicles, committed 25'125 acts of sabotages and 5'733 attacks on German troops (10).

No occupying power would have put up with this. Like every occupying power before and after them, the Germans reacted to the terrorist activities of the resistance movement by brutal repression against the civilian population: Not only civilians suspected of being in league with the partisans but also hostages were deported to the camps by tens of thousands.

A short survey of the history of Majdanek

There are many myths about the Third Reich. One of these myths is that the National Socialist state was a homogenous, strictly centralised entity where all important decisions emanated from the supreme leadership and were rigidly enforced. The reality was different. A good example demonstrating the often irrational and contradictory policy of the National Socialist authorities is the history of the Majdanek concentration camp which was never efficiently organised and never had a clear function. Its character was always provisional and its history chaotic from the beginning to the end.

In July 1941, Himmler visited the city of Lublin. On the 21, he ordered the construction of a concentration camp big enough to harbour 25,000 - 50,000 inmates who would be put to work in nearby factories and workshops directed by the SS and the police (11).

Himmler had not yet made up his mind as to whether the building of the camp should be supervised by Richard Glücks, the inspector of the concentration camps, or by his personal confidant, SS-Brigadeführer Odilo Globocnik, whom Himmler already had entrusted with the reorganisation of the city of Lublin and its surroundings. In any case, Globocnik immediately settled down to work and started organising the building of a new camp on the south-eastern edge of Lublin, about 5 kilometres from the center of the city.

On August 30, Zörner, the governor of Lublin, angrily protested against Globocniks activities and accused him of setting up a concentration camp without even consulting him, Zörner.

In the first days of October, some Jewish members of the Polish army who had formerly been interned in the "old concentration camp" were lead to the site where the new camp was to arise. The "old camp" was situated in the very center of Lublin; it was little more than a prison with adjacent workshops. The Jewish prisoners were joined by Soviet prisoners of war from the nearby "Stalags". In fact, the new camp was officially called "Kriegsgefangenenlager der Waffen-SS Lublin;" only in April 1943, when prisoners of war constituted but a small minority of the inmates, was it named "Konzentrationslager Lublin." The Poles used to call it "Majdanek" after the nearby quarter Majdan Tatarski.

In July 1941, Himmler had envisaged a camp for 25'000 to 50'000 prisoners. On November 1, SS-Oberführer Kammler, chief of the second department of the WVHA (construction), ordered the construction of a camp for 125,000 inmates (12), and five weeks later, he increased the number to 150,000 (13). None of these figures were even remotely reached; Majdanek never harboured more than 23,000 prisoners at the same time.

The camp was built on a large plane situated between the city of Lublin to the north and the hamlets of Abramowic and Dziesiata to the south. Undoubtedly, this choice was motivated by practical reasons. As the railway station of the city of Lublin was only a couple of kilometres away, the arriving prisoners could be lead to the camp on foot.

Moreover, the barracks were built in the immediate neighbourhood of a former airfield where the Deutsche Ausrüstungswerke, a mighty industrial complex, planned to set up the workshops and factories in which the future inmates of the camp would work for the benefit of the Reich.

Even the most superficial observer could hardly fail to notice the existence of this camp. Jozef Marszalek, the official historian of Majdanek, unmistakably states (14): "The whole area is completely open. There are no natural obstacles in the shape of rivers or forests. As to its geographical location, the camp was visible from all sides."

Of course, for an 'extermination camp' this was the most impossible choice on earth as mass murders in Majdanek could not have been held secret for more than a couple of days. When asked why there is not a single German document proving that even one single Jew was gassed at Majdanek - or, indeed, in any concentration camp - the orthodox historians who defend the gas chamber story argue that the Germans, who wanted to conceal their atrocities, gave their gassing orders orally or used a coded language in their documents. The same historians claim that the Germans set up a death factory in the immediate vicinity of a large city and two hamlets from where everybody could observe what was going on in the camp!

According to the first known plan, drawn on 7 October 1941, the camp was to be subdivided into ten units called 'fields' (15). (No similar arrangement existed in any other German concentration camp.) By the end of November, the first row of barracks was completed on field I.

Whereas simple manual tasks were always performed by the prisoners themselves, skilled workers were often provided by private firms which were predominantly Polish. Documents found in the archives of the city of Lublin prove that no fewer than 22 such firms worked on behalf of the 'Zentralbauleitung der Waffen-SS und Polizei Lublin', the organisation entrusted with the building of the camp. One Michal Ochnik, director of a Polish firm, organised the construction of the delousing chambers which, according to the orthodox historians, were also used as homicidal gas chambers for the extermination of Jews (16).

The Polish civilian workers, who were working side by side with the prisoners, left the camp in the evening and returned to their families. It goes without saying that they would immediately have been informed of human gassings or other mass murders, and within days, the news would have spread all over Poland.

An important document about the history of Majdanek is a letter written by the vice minister of transport, Kleinmann, to Heinrich Himmler on the 7th of March 1942 (17). Kleinmann complained that the Lublin railway station was constantly blocked by trains transporting building material to the camp.

From conversations with SS officials he, Kleinmann, knew that the SS wanted to build a town for its members and their families near Lublin. Five weeks later, Himmler answered; he pointed out that the construction of the planned SS town would not be tackled before the victorious end of the war. Because of the constant lack of building material, the capacity of the camp would have to be reduced.

The chaotic character of the German policy regarding Majdanek is also illustrated by the fact that the camp had no fewer than five commanders during the 34 months of its existence: Karl Otto Koch, Max August Koegel, Hermann Florstedt, Martin Weiss and Arthur Liebehenschel. This incessant change of commanders made any coherent development of the camp next to impossible.

From the very beginning, the civilian authorities in Lublin frowned upon the arising of so big a camp in the immediate neighbourhood of the city. They argued that Majdanek would require enormous amounts of coal, gas and electricity, thus jeopardising the supply of the civilian population (18). In March 1942, the vice-mayor of Lublin, Steinbach, vetoed the connection of the camp to the sewerage system of the city.

This decision had dire consequences for the prisoners as the hygienic conditions prevailing in the camp baffled description and lead to an enormously high death rate. In May 1942, a group of sanitary experts from the Berlin institute of Hygienics castigated the disastrous sanitary situation and demanded the immediate linking of Majdanek to the urban sewerage system (19).

Another two months later, the Zentralbauleitung acceded to this demand, and in January 1943, the work was completed. By the autumn of 1943, all barracks had running water.

According to a new plan traced in May 1942 - it was already the fourth one! - Majdanek was to be subdivided into eight fields (20).

The majority of the inmates were Jewish and non-Jewish Polish citizens. From spring 1942, large numbers of short-term prisoners were sent to the camp. They were called 'zakladnicy,' hostages. These 'hostages' were civilians arrested in retaliation to armed attacks committed by the Resistance against German soldiers. Usually, they were released after a couple of weeks. They were rarely forced to work.

In addition to Jewish and non-Jewish Poles, numerous Jews from Slovakia and Czechia were deported to Majdanek in 1942. Jews from Western European countries were also among the inmates. Many of them were transferred to Majdanek via Auschwitz.

As the Lublin area contained but little military industry, Majdanek became a kind of recruiting center for workers already in 1942. According to the official Polish literature, no less than 45'000 prisoners were sent to camps, factories and farms west of Lublin (21).

As the conditions in Majdanek were worse than in any other German concentration camp, non-Polish prisoners eagerly volunteered for these transports whereas Poles were usually reluctant to leave their country.

Majdanek counted six sub-camps, the most important one being the 'Konzentrationslager Warschau' set up after the Ghetto uprising in spring 1943 (22).

Towards the end of its existence, Majdanek once more changed its character. It became a kind of 'hospital camp' to which sick prisoners from numerous other camps were transferred. When the Red army entered the outskirts of Lublin on July 22, 1944, the camp only contained 1500 prisoners; the rest had been evacuated by the withdrawing Germans.

The history of Majdanek is the history of ambitious plans none of which were ever realized. The inmates of the camp were to build a town for the SS and their families, but this SS town remained a castle in the air. A huge working force consisting of 150,000 prisoners was to supply the German Wehrmacht with a constant flow of war material, but the number of the inmates never exceeded 23,000, and as Polish historian Anna Wisniewska has calculated on the basis of the extant German documents, more than two thirds of the work done by the prisoners were spent on the building of the camp itself (23).

The never-completed camp of Majdanek remained a huge and ugly torso which disfigures the southern outskirts of Lublin up to the present day. For over fifty years, this ungainly torso has been used to perpetuate hatred of the German nation. From the very beginning, the Poles resorted to shabby tricks to present the camp as an 'extermination center.'

Even today, shuddering visitors look at towering piles of shoes which the propaganda depicts as having belonged to murdered inmates. In reality, the Germans had set up a big cobbler workshop on field VI where worn-out shoes were sent from the Eastern front for repair. This was admitted by Polish historian Zdzislaw Lukaszkiewicz as early as in 1948 (24).

Number of casualties

As I already pointed out, orthodox historians unanimously regard Majdanek both as a labour camp and an extermination center. Let us have a look at the death figures the different Western authorities claim. How many prisoners died in the Lublin camp?

- 1,380,000 according to Lucy Dawidowicz (25);

- 360,000 according to Lea Rosh and Eberhard Jäckel (26);

- 250,000 according to Wolfgang Scheffler (27);

- 200,000 or more according to the West German tribunal which organised the Düsseldorf Majdanek trial (28).

Some authors are only interested in the Jewish victims, as if Polish, Russian and other non-Jewish prisoners who succumbed to the harsh conditions at Majdanek were too unimportant to deserve any attention. Thus, Aharon Weiss puts the number of Jewish victims at between 125,000 and 200,000 (29), Martin Gilbert at 125,000 (30), Raul Hilberg at 50,000 (31).

Of course, none of these historians has bothered to prove the accuracy of his or her figures scientifically. They either took one of the contradictory Soviet and Polish figures, which they in some cases modified according to their personal taste, or arbitrarily invented new figures. So much for the scientific level of Western 'Holocaust' scholarship.

When the Soviets liberated Majdanek in July 1944, they claimed that 1,7 million prisoners had met their death in the camp (32). During the Nuremberg trial, the number was lowered to 1,5 million (33). As this figure was still utterly preposterous, the Polish communists drastically reduced it already in 1948. This was done by Zdzislaw Lukaszkiewicz, a member of the Main Commission for the Investigation of German crimes in Poland. Lukaszkiewicz claimed that 360,000 prisoners had perished in the camp.

According to him, 60% of the victims had died from disease and starvation, 25% had been killed in gas chambers, whereas the remaining 15% had been killed by other methods (shooting, hanging, poisoning etc.) (34).

Being exclusively based on eyewitness testimony and extrapolations, Lukaszkiewicz's figures are devoid of any scientific value. In 1981, Jozef Marszalek, the then director of the Majdanek Museum, published the official history of the camp (35) which was translated into English five years later (36). Marszalek confirmed Lukaszkiewicz's figure of 360,000 dead, bur whereas Lukaszkiewicz had claimed that 216,000 prisoners had died from natural causes and 144,000 had been murdered, Marszalek put the figure of the murdered inmates at 200,000 and the one of inmates who had died from natural causes at 160,000.

One single example will amply suffice to illustrate the dishonest methods resorted to by Marszalek. On page 124 of the English version of his book, he mentions a secret letter written to Himmler by Oswald Pohl on September 30, 1943, in which Pohl referred to the mortality rate the concentration camps (37). According to this letter, 53,309 prisoners had died in all 17 camps together during the first six months of 1943.

Being strictly confidential, this letter cannot possible have been written for propaganda purposes, so we can safely assume that the figures were correct. On the very same page of his book where he quotes Pohl's letter, Marszalek writes that during the first nine months of 1943, an average of 300 prisoners died at Majdanek every day which means that the death toll from the beginning of January until the end of June must have been 54,000. Consequently, Marszalek's death figure for Majdanek alone is higher than the documented one for all 17 camps together! So much for the scientific value of Marszalek's book.

Some years ago, the official figure was reduced again. In 1992, Polish historian Czeslaw Rajca candidly admitted that the number of the victims had been inflated for purely political purposes. The real figure, he assured, was about 235,000. Rajca wrote (38): "Owing to the lack of documents about the dimension of the crimes perpetrated at Majdanek, the only rational way to ascertain the death figure consists in subtracting from the total number of prisoners those who were transferred to other places, released or managed to escape."

According to the official Polish literature, 45,000 prisoners were transferred to other camps, 20,000 were released, 1500 succeeded in escaping and another 1500 were liberated by the Red Army in July 1944 (39). The figure of the transferred prisoners is largely documented as they were registered in the camps they were sent to. Although the Polish literature does not disclose on what documents the figure of 20,000 inmates released by the Germans is based, I accept it because I cannot see any possible motive to exaggerate it for political reasons.

On the contrary, it is a cogent argument against the extermination theory: every released prisoner would either have personally witnessed mass murders or at least heard about them from his fellow-inmates.

In other words, the Polish historians tell us that the same Germans who were so eager to hush up the mass gassings that they never issued a single written gassing order were stupid enough to release 20,000 witnesses of their atrocities so that they could tell the whole world what they had seen or heard!

Rajca's assertion that altogether 300,000 prisoners were sent to Majdanek is totally unfounded. His source is an article written by Polish historian Zofia Leszczynska in 1991 in which she states that a minimum of 275,000 prisoners had been deported to Majdanek, but that the real figure was "much higher" (40).

As she does not specify what "much higher" means, Rajca arbitrarily fixes the number at 300,000. Z. Leszczynskas article appeared in a book about Majdanek where altogether 816 transports to the camp are listed. In 414 cases, the exact figure of the incoming prisoners is mentioned; the total is 81,500. For the remaining 402 transports no figures are indicated at all (41).

A look at Z. Leszczynskas sources reveals that they are only to a small extent corroborated by documents; most of them are based on eyewitness testimony which means that they are next to worthless.

For example, the fantastically high figures of Russians and Ukrainians allegedly sent to Majdanek are almost exclusively based on reports of the resistance movement during the war. Of course, the resistance movement had every reason to inflate the number of prisoners in order to make the German occupation look even grimmer than in actually was.

In spite of the fragmentary character of the documentation which survived the war, it is possible to determine the death figure quite accurately on the basis of altogether eight documents: 1) The Totenbuch for the months from May to September 1942. 2) The 'Totenmeldung für die Effektenkammer' for some days in autumn 1942. 3) The list of prisoners deceased in November and December 1942. 4) The 'Stärkemeldung' (force of the camp) for some days in 1942. 5) A register of prisoners deceased in October 1943. 6) The Totenbuch for March and April 1943. 7) The Nuremberg document NO-5194. 8) The Nuremberg document PS-1469.

Between October and December 1941, about 700 prisoners died at Majdanek. In 1942, the approximate figure was 17,244, in 1943, 22,339 and between January and July 1944, 1,900. The relatively low figure for 1944 is largely due to the fact that the Germans started evacuating the camp already in the beginning of the year - which, by the way, did not prevent them from still transferring new prisoners to Majdanek, especially sick ones who were unable to work.

Had they really pursued an extermination policy, they would surely have disposed of these sick people in their respective camps rather than bothering to send them to Majdanek. Altogether, about 42,200 prisoners perished in the Lublin camp. While this figure is still appallingly high, it should be borne in mind that about as many German civilians were burnt alive or buried alive under the rubble of their houses in Hamburg within a few days in July 1943. In World War Two, both the Western Allies and the Soviets committed by far more terrible crimes than the Germans.

Diseases, especially spotted typhus, but also tuberculosis and dysentery, were the main cause of the extremely high mortality rate at Majdanek. These diseases were above all provoked by the atrocious sanitary conditions; as I have pointed out before, the barracks did not have running water before autumn 1943. This made any efficient struggle against the typhus-bearing lice and other vermin impossible. The harsh and often inhuman working conditions - especially during the first phase, the one of the construction of the camp - also claimed countless lives.

According to Pohl's letter to Himmler, which was later presented in Nuremberg as document PS-1469, no less than 7,67% of the male and 4,41% of the female prisoners died in August 1943. At that time, Majdanek was by far deadlier than Auschwitz where the mortality rate amounted to 3% for the men and to 3,61% for the women.

In the same month, not a single prisoner died in the camp of Hertogenbosch in Holland which harboured 2500 inmates, and in Dachau 40 prisoners out of 17,500 perished, the mortality rate thus being 0,25%. Majdanek was not a typical German concentration camp. It was the worst of them all.

The Gas Chambers

On August 4, l944, two weeks after the liberation of Majdanek, a mixed Polish-Soviet commission started investigating the occurrences at the Lublin camp. Apart from interrogating captured SS-men and former inmates, the commission examined the new crematorium, the alleged homicidal gas chambers and some objects found on the territory of the camp, to wit five steel bottles containing carbon monoxide and 135 Zyklon-B cans.

On the 23 of August, the commission had finished its work and submitted a report to the Polish and Soviet authorities. This fascinating document, which Mattogno and I unearthed in the archives of the Russian Federation in the summer of 1995 (42), seems to be unknown even to the Polish historians; at least it is never mentioned in the Polish literature. The text of this report is quoted in our book.

The Crematoria

In June 1942, the 'old crematorium' was set in operation. It consisted of two mobile Kori ovens which were heated with oil and had been brought to Majdanek from Sachsenhausen. SS-Oberscharführer Erich Mussfeldt, who was in charge of this crematorium, stated in Polish captivity that the two ovens were put out of operation already in November 1943 owing to a serious fuel shortage. According to Mussfeldt, the corpses of the inmates who had died in the camp between November 1942 and January 1944 where first buried and later dug out and burned in a nearby forest (43).

However, according to a report written by SS-Hauptsturmführer Krone, a sanitary expert who inspected Majdanek in January 1943, the ovens were still used in that month (44).

The new crematorium was set in operation as late as in January 1944, the exact date being unknown. It contained five Kori ovens heated with coke. The maximum capacity of one oven was 20 corpses per day, but the gentlemen of the Polish-Soviet commission had the impudence to claim that no less than 600,000 corpses had been incinerated in these 5 ovens during the six months of their existence!

With hare-brained arguments, the commission evaluated the daily capacity of this crematorium at 1920 corpses, which was over 19 times higher than the real figure. By the way, the commission members must have been very poor mathematicians indeed: Even if the ovens had possessed the fantastic capacity ascribed to them, they could only have disposed of about 350,000 corpses and not 600,000 as the commission claimed.

The Polish-Soviet commission found six homicidal gas chambers at Majdanek. Later, a seventh gas chambers was conveniently discovered in the building of the new crematorium. Jean-Claude Pressac sarcastically states :

The vice-director of the museum has written to this author that this gas chamber was used 'little, but really very, very little', which means that it was not used at all. The fiction is maintained in order not to hurt the popular superstition that every crematorium must have contained a gas chamber ... If prisoners had been murdered with Zyklon-B in that room, its location within the building, between an autopsy room, a corridor and the morgue, would have made an artificial ventilation imperative, but there is not the faintest trace proving that such a ventilation ever existed. In case of a natural ventilation by the draught, it would have been necessary to evacuate the whole crematorium for a period of time difficult to estimate." (45)

I'd like to add that there are no blue spots whatsoever on the walls of this ridiculous 'gas chamber' the existence of which the Polish-Soviet commission had failed to notice.

According to the Polish-Soviet commission, two of the six homicidal gas chambers had been located in a barrack. The Polish historians who pretend to believe in the existence of these gas chambers do not even know their location! So much for these two chemical slaughterhouses.

The four remaining gas chambers are more interesting. All of them are located in barrack 41 near the present entrance of the camp. Barrack 41, which housed a bath and a delousing chamber, is the first building the tourists visit.

Gas chamber number one measures 17,1 m2. According to the official version, the unfortunate inmates of this gas chambers were murdered with carbon monoxide or with Zyklon-B. As there are no blue spots on the walls, Zyklon-B was certainly never used here.

Two large steel bottles allegedly containing carbon monoxide are stored in a small adjacent room from which the "gas chamber" could be observed through a small window. The carbon monoxide is said to have been introduced through a perforated steel pipe which leads from the adjacent room into the gas chamber. However, both steel bottles wear the inscription CO2.

It is generally known that carbon dioxide is not lethal, so the whole thing is a rather primitive swindle. My friend Carlo Mattogno conjectures that the "gas chambers" was actually a storing room for weapons or ammunitions which was supervised by a guard through the window in the adjacent room.

Gas chamber number two equally measures 17,1 m2. The blue coloration of the walls proves the use of Zyklon-B in this room.

There is an opening in the ceiling through which the Zyklon pellets were allegedly poured into the gas chambers. This opening is already mentioned in the report of the Polish-Soviet commission which was written between the 4 and the 23 of August.

Immediately after the liberation of the camp, Soviet reporter Constantin Simonov visited Majdanek. He interviewed former prisoners and meticulously described the localities baptised 'homicidal gas chambers'. Simonov also visited barrack 42 which contained a delousing chamber. Unfortunately, this barrack is closed and inaccessible to visitors.

Neither Simonov nor anybody else has ever claimed that human beings were gassed there. In his booklet The extermination camp,"which he wrote immediately after his visit, Simonov mentions openings in the ceiling of the delousing chamber through which the Zyklon-B was introduced (46). By the way, such openings would not even have been necessary in a delousing chamber as the pellets could simply have been laid on the floor.

Had there been any openings in the ceilings of the so-called homicidal gas chambers, Simonov, who was a keen observer, would certainly have noticed and mentioned them, but he doesn't. According to him, the gas was introduced from the neighbouring room through steel pipes running along the walls of the gas chambers 30 cm above the floor.

He states: "The naked people who were standing close to each other did not occupy much space ... They were herded in the chamber, whereupon the steel door was closed ... A special unit protected by gas masks poured the Zyklon contained in the cans into the pipes ... The Zyklon was introduced through the pipes, and the SS-man in charge of the killing supervised the process of asphyxiation." (47)

This passage is tremendously important. As I have pointed out, Simonov talked to the liberated inmates of the camp before the Polish-Soviet commission was even formed. The ex-prisoners didn't tell Simonov that they had seen an SS-man pouring the Zyklon pellets into the gas chambers through openings in the ceiling. They told him that the gas was introduced through pipes. Of course, everybody familiar with the use of the world's most famous insecticide immediately understands that this procedure was technically impossible. In other words: The prisoners had never witnessed a gassing.

Among the members of the Polish-Soviet commission, which established the official version of the gassings a couple of weeks later there were professors of chemistry and engineering. It goes without saying that these qualified scientists and technicians knew exactly how Zyklon-B was used and were not silly enough to repeat the naive fairy tale non-scientist Simonov had been imprudent enough to tell his readers.

Consequently, the commission hastily ordered openings to be made in the ceilings of the rooms christened homicidal "gas chambers." Unfortunately, they forgot to order this in case of gas chamber number three, a room measuring 35,2 m2 which undoubtedly served as a delousing chambers, as the blue coloration of the walls attests. The Polish historians claim that the Germans threw the Zyklon-B pellets on the heads of the inmates before closing the steel door. Jean-Claude Pressac comments:

"It is frankly unrealistic to imagine an SS-man with a gas mask and a can of Zyklon-B in his hand throwing the pellets into a space of 30 cm between the heads of the victims and the ceiling - the pellets might have fallen on the floor in front of the gas chamber - and subsequently trying to slam the door without the doomed inmates making a desperate attempt to break out." (48)

Revisionists could not have said it better.

The fourth and last gas chamber, which is situated immediately beside the bath, measures 107,7 m2. Its walls have an intense blue coloration. There are two round openings in the ceiling.

I vividly recall on our second visit to that gas chamber on 27 June last year. A class of German schoolchildren was attentively listening to their teacher who explained how the unfortunate Jews met their ghastly fate in this gas chamber. Not one of the children, let alone the teacher, noticed the presence of a large window in this very room. Now, the first thing the inmates of the gas chamber would have done was to break the window.

The possible objection that the window might not yet have existed during the war is at once refuted by the fact that the wooden sill is covered by blue spots which means that the window was already there when the Zyklon-B was used. The only possible conclusion is that this room did indeed serve as a gas chamber but only for lice and fleas - exactly as it is testified by the surviving German documents according to which all gas chambers served for de-infesting purposes and for nothing else.

The experience with the German school children was very depressing indeed. It dramatically shows to what extent otherwise reasonable human beings can be stultified by cunning propaganda and to what extent our logical reasoning can be obscured by pseudo-religious creeds. The "holocaust" myth, which cannot possible be defended by logical arguments, can only survive as a religion. The Jews have understood this. Their answer to the Rudolf Report was Schindlers List.

The origin of the homicidal gas chamber story

As the rooms called 'gas chambers' by the court historians could not have served for the mass gassing of human beings, which means that no mass gassings ever took place there, we will now endeavour to establish how the gas chamber story originated.

Popular superstition has it that the Nazi concentration camps were strictly isolated places and that everything going on in these camps was a state secret. This is generally not true, and in the case of Majdanek, it is simply utter rubbish. The perpetual transfer of prisoners to other camps, the remarkably high number of inmates released (20,000 according to official Polish sources!), the immediate vicinity of a big city and the permanent presence of civil workers - all this made it radically impossible to conceal what was happening within the camp.

After Poland was overrun by German and Soviet armies in September 1939, the Warsaw government fled to London. In the German-occupied territories, a kind of shadow government which called itself 'Delegatura' was soon set up. It provided the London-based exile government with an incessant flow of information about the events in Poland and closely co-operated with the various resistance movements, especially the pro-Western Armija Krajowa ('Country Army').

Since the concentration camps set up by the Germans were of special interest to both the government in exile and the resistance fighters, many of the reports sent to London dealt with these camps.

In 1973, Polish historians Krystyna Marczewska and Wladyslaw Wazniewski published a long article containing the reports about Majdanek the Delegatura transmitted to London between November 30, 1941, and July 7, 1944 (49).

The first mention of a gas chamber occurred in a short report dating from December 15, 1942 and consisted of one single phrase: "A gas chamber and a crematorium are in operation."

One would assume that the appearance of such an outlandish and fiendish murder weapon would create an outpour of indignation, but strangely enough the Delegatura contented itself with this one laconic sentence. For the next five months, the gas chamber was never alluded to again in the no less than 25 reports the Delegatura wrote about Majdanek between December 15, 1942, and May 7, 1943.

Especially noteworthy was an extremely long, detailed and highly accurate description of the Lublin camp which originated in the end of January or the beginning of February 1943. The authors dedicated a short chapter to the fate of the Jewish prisoners who, as they correctly pointed out, were treated much worse than the Poles. Not a single reference to a homicidal gas chamber or mass killings occurred in this report.

Now, the gassings are said to have started in September or October 1942. For the reasons already stated, it would have totally unthinkable to conceal such a crime for more than a few days.

Of course, all of you are familiar with Arthur Butz's legendary utterance: "I see no elephant in my basement. If there were an elephant in my basement, I would certainly see it. Therefore, there is no elephant in my basement."

It would have impossible to conceal mass gassings at Majdanek. The Delegatura, which was exceedingly well informed about the camp, didn't talk mass gassings at Majdanek during the first seven months of there alleged existence (except for the laconic and inconclusive reference to "a gas chamber" in the report dated December 15, 1920). Therefore, no mass gassings occurred at Majdanek!

On May 7, 1943, the gassing propaganda started as a psychological weapon against the Germans, and the gas chambers were regularly mentioned in the subsequent Delegatura reports. Neither the location of the gas chambers nor the killing process were ever described in any detail.

The first detailed description of Majdanek as an extermination center was published by one Abraham Silberschein, a Geneva-based Jew, in the first half of 1944 (50). According to him, no less than two million people had been slaughtered in the Lublin camp by then. Characteristically, barrack 41 where four gas chambers were located according to the later version of the story was never referred to by Silberschein.

After the liberation of the camp, the Polish-Soviet commission accused the Germans of having murdered 1,7 million people at Majdanek, gassing having been one of the most commonly used killing methods. To substantiate this terrible accusation, the commission quoted exactly four German prisoners (who were later executed after a Stalinist-type show trial) and nine former inmates of the camp!

These witnesses testified to 19 gassing actions with somewhat over 4000 victims. With one exception (Theo Schölen), they always spoke of "the gas chamber" in the singular. None of them ever located the position of the gas chamber, none of them mentioned carbon monoxide or Zyklon-B as the murder weapon. Obviously, the witnesses did not know exactly what they were supposed to tell. The commission had undoubtedly interviewed more than 9 former prisoners, but evidently the statements of the other ones were even more inconclusive so the commission did not even bother to quote them.

SS-Rottenführer Theo Schölen confessed:

"I know that people were systematically being killed in the gas chambers [plural]. Prisoners under my command told me that they had themselves witnessed the choking of over 150 children in the gas chamber [singular]."

So the SS had learned about the gassings from the prisoners!

The last two chapters, 'Erntefest' and 'Conclusion', will follow.


1) Josef Gideon Burg, Majdanek in alle Ewigkeit?, Ederer Verlag, Munich 1979.

2) Leuchter, Fred A., An Engineering Report on the alleged Execution Gas Chambers at Auschwitz, Birkenau and Majdanek, Poland, Fred A. Leuchter, Associates, Boston 1988.

3) Pressac, Jean-Claude, Les carences et incohérences du rapport Leuchter, Journal J, December 1988.

4) Jürgen Graf and Carlo Mattogno, KL Majdanek. Eine historische und technische Studie, Castle Hill Publishers, P.O. Box 118, Hastings TN34 3ZQ, Great Britain. Fax:+44 - 1825 - 76 42 53. E-mail:

5) GARF (Gosudarstvenni Archiv Rossiskoi Federatsii), Moscow.

6) Arno Meyer, Der Krieg als Kreuzzug, Rowohlt, Hamburg 1986, p. 245.

7) R-129.

8) NO-1523.

9) PS-1469.

10) Richard Lucas, The forgotten holocaust. The Poles under German occupation, The University Press of Kentucky, Lexington 1986, p. 57.

11) NO-3031.

12) APMM (Archivum Panstwowiego Muzeum na Majdanku), Zentralbauleitung, 120.

13) APMM, Zentralbauleitung, 120.

14) Jozef Marszalek, Geneza i poczatki budowy obozu koncentracyjnego na Majdanku, in: Zeszyty Majdanka, I, 1965, p. 22.

15) ibidem, p. 33.

16) WAPL (Wojewodzkie Archiwum Panstwowe w Lublinie), Zentralbauleitung, 145, p. 14.

17) J. Marszalek, "Geneza...", p. 50, 51.

18) J. Marszalek, "Geneza...", p. 46-48.

19) J. Marszalek, Budowa obozu na Majdanku w latach 1942-1944, in: Zeszyty Majdanka, IV, 1969, p. 70, 71.

20) J. Marszalek, Budowa..., p. 22.

21) Zofia Leszczynska, Transporty wiezniow z obozu na Majdanku, in: Zeszyty Majdanku, X, 1980, p. 118-134.

22) Czeslaw Rajca, Podobozy Majdanka, in: T. Mencel, "Majdanek 1941-1944", Wydawnictwo Lubelskie, Lublin 1991, p. 379-398.

23) Anna Wisniewska, Praca wiezniow, in: T. Mencel, "Majdanek...", p. 186.

24) Zdislaw Lukaszkiewicz, 'Oboz koncentracyjny i zaglady Majdanek', in: Biuletyn Glownej Komisji Badania Zbrodni Niemieckich w Polsce, Vol. IV, Warsaw 1948.

25) Lucy Dawidowicz, The War against the Jews 1933-1945, Pelican Books, 1979, p. 191.

26) Lea Rosh and Eberhard Jäckel, Der Tod ist ein Meister aus Deutschland, Hoffmann und Campe, 1991, p. 217.

27) Wolfgang Scheffler, Judenverfolgung im Dritten Reich, Colloquium Verlag, Berlin 1964, p. 40.

28) Landgericht Düsseldorf, 'Urteil Hackmann u.a.. XVII 1/75', Band I, p. 90.

29) Aharon Weiss, 'Categories of Camps', in: The Nazi concentration camps. Proceeding of the fourth Yad Vashem International Historical Conference, Jerusalem, January 1980, Yad Vashem, Jerusalem 1984, S.132.

30) Martin Gilbert, Auschwitz und die Alliierten, C.H. Beck, München 1982, p. 437.

31) Raul Hilberg, Die Vernichtung der europäischen Juden, S. Fischer Verlag, Frankfurt/M. 1990, Volume II, p. 956.

32) The figure was taken up by a Polish court which sentenced 5 Germans to death in December 1944. Anklageschrift gegen Hermann Vogel und andere, 26. Oktober 1944. Archivum Panstwowego Muzeum na Majdanku, sygn. XX-1, p. 100.

33) IMT VII, p. 648.

34) Zdzislaw Lukaszkiewicz, 'Oboz koncentracijyny i zaglady Majdanek', in: Biuletyn Glownej Komisji Badania Zbrodni Niemieckich w Polsce, Vol. IV (1948), p. 63-105.

35) Jozef Marszalek, Majdanek. Oboz koncentracyjny w Lublinie, 1981.

36) Jozef Marszalek, Majdanek. The Concentration Camp in Lublin, S. 124.

37) PS-1467.

38) Czeslaw Rajca, 'Problem liczby ofiar w obozie na Majdanku', in: Zeszyty Majdanka XIV, 1992, p.127.

39) Anna Wisniewska and Czeslaw Rajca, Majdanek. Lubelski oboz koncentracyjny, Panstwowe Muzeum na Majdanku, Lublin 1996, p. 32.

40) Zofia Leszczynska, 'Transporty i stany liczbowe obozu', in: Tadeusz Mencel, Majdanek 1941-1944, Wydawnictwo Lubelskie, Lublin 1991, p. 35.

41) T. Mencel, Majdanek..., p. 437-454.

42) GARF, 7021-107-9, p. 229-243.

43) Anna Zmijewska-Wisniewska, 'Zeznania szefa krematorium Ericha Muhsfeldta na temat bylego obozu koncentracyjnego w Lublinie (Majdanek)', in: Zesyty Majdanka I, 1965.

44) APMM, mikr. Nr. 816, P. 9, 10.

45) Jean-Claude Pressac, Les carences..., p. IX.

46) Constantino Simonov, Il campo dello sterminio, Edizioni in lingue estere, Moscow 1944, p. 8.

47) ibidem.

48) Pressac, Les carences..., p. VIII, IX.

49) Krystyna Marczewska and Wladyslaw Wazniewski, 'Oboz koncentracyjny na Majdanku w swietle akt Delegatury Rzadu na Kraj', in: Zeszyty Majdanka, VII, 1973, p. 164-241.

50) Abraham Silberschein, Die Judenausrottung in Polen, Fünfte Serie, Genf 1944.

51) GARF, 7021-107-9, p. 311a - 313a.

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